Obama distances himself from another clergyman

[Ron Burgundy]

AP - Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama said Thursday that he was "deeply disappointed" by a supporter's sermon at his church that mocked Hillary Rodham Clinton.

The Rev. Michael Pfleger, a Chicago activist, also apologized for last Sunday's sermon at Obama's church, in which he said Clinton's eyes welled with tears before the New Hampshire primary because she felt "entitled" to the Democratic nomination and because "there's a black man stealing my show."

In video circulating on the Internet, Pfleger said the former first lady expected to win the nomination before Obama's sudden popularity.

"She just always thought that, 'This is mine. I'm Bill's wife. I'm white.' ... And then, out of nowhere, came 'Hey, I'm Barack Obama." And she said, 'Oh damn, where did you come from? I'm white. I'm entitled. There's a black man stealing my show,'" Pfleger said at Trinity United Church of Christ.

He then went on to parody Clinton, sobbing and wiping his face with a handkerchief.

"She wasn't the only one crying," he said. "There was a whole lot of white people crying."

Obama won the Iowa caucuses, the first contest of the nominating season, in January. Days later, Clinton's eyes brimmed with tears and her voice broke as she talked with New Hampshire voters on the eve of the primary, which she won.

Obama said he was "deeply disappointed" by Pfleger's comments.

"As I have traveled this country, I've been impressed not by what divides us, but by all that that unites us," he said in a statement. "That is why I am deeply disappointed in Father Pfleger's divisive, backward-looking rhetoric, which doesn't reflect the country I see or the desire of people across America to come together in common cause."

Pfleger, the white pastor of predominantly black Saint Sabina Roman Catholic Church on the city's Southwest side, said he regretted his choice of words.

"These words are inconsistent with Senator Obama's life and message and I am deeply sorry if they offended Senator Clinton or anyone else who saw them," Pfleger said.

Clinton's campaign denounced Pfleger's comments.

"Divisive and hateful language like that is totally counterproductive in our efforts to bring our party together and have no place at the pulpit or in our politics," the campaign said in a statement. "We are disappointed that Senator Obama didn't specifically reject Father's Pfleger's despicable comments about Senator Clinton, and assume he will do so."

In March, Pfleger invited Obama's embattled former pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, to speak at Saint Sabina, embracing Wright in the church.

Obama recently broke with Wright, who had been his longtime pastor, after video of his sermons blaming U.S. policies for the Sept. 11 attacks and his calls of "God damn America" became fixtures on the Internet and cable news networks and created a political problem for the candidate.

Pfleger, known locally as a community activist and organizer, was arrested in June 2007 with the Rev. Jesse Jackson during a protest outside of a south suburban Chicago gun shop. The criminal trespass charges were later dropped.

He also has hosted Louis Farrakhan, the controversial leader of the Nation of Islam, at St. Sabina and has called him "a gift from God to a sick, sick world."

___

Associated Press writer Nedra Pickler in Washington contributed to this report.

source: http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080530/ap_on_el_pr/obama_pfleger [link]

[kinggovernor]

YouTube Video

there is the video, you can judge for yourself. I believe this is going to be a huge liability for Obama in the General election

[kinggovernor]

YouTube Video

same sermon

[SoFlaJDM]

i wonder when he's gonna come out of the closet

[Scrum]

How is this going to be a huge problem for Obama in the General? Hillary won't even be in the race.

Are all candidates responsible for what every supporter says, or is it just Obama? It's not his pastor or his Church and he denounced what he said. How does this fall in his lap? I mean, if Wright didn't hurt him (and it didn't) how is this going to be a problem?

[Stylerod]

I do feel Hillary thought she was entitled. But it sure as hell wasn't because she was white.

[Stylerod]

Originally Posted by Scrum

How is this going to be a huge problem for Obama in the General? Hillary won't even be in the race.

Are all candidates responsible for what every supporter says, or is it just Obama? It's not his pastor or his Church and he denounced what he said. How does this fall in his lap? I mean, if Wright didn't hurt him (and it didn't) how is this going to be a problem?

I don't think it's going to be a HUGE problem. But it is another example of the Race Über Alles mentality of a lot of black leaders which isn't appealing to a lot of folk.

[kinggovernor]

Originally Posted by Scrum

How is this going to be a huge problem for Obama in the General? Hillary won't even be in the race.

Are all candidates responsible for what every supporter says, or is it just Obama? It's not his pastor or his Church and he denounced what he said. How does this fall in his lap? I mean, if Wright didn't hurt him (and it didn't) how is this going to be a problem?

these guys turn on anyone, including Obama. Just wait until the general when they start attacking John McCain, it will be a liability. These people are very popular in their churches, but are way out of the mainstream

[motivez]

Originally Posted by Stylerod

I don't think it's going to be a HUGE problem. But it is another example of the Race Über Alles mentality of a lot of black leaders which isn't appealing to a lot of folk.

That preacher doesn't look black to me?

[motivez]

Originally Posted by Scrum

Are all candidates responsible for what every supporter says, or is it just Obama?

Only Obama, apparently. He's being held to a different standard, and part of me wonders whether or not that's because of race..

Look at how little attention McCain's pastor friend has gotten, and this is someone McCain sought a political alliance with.. not simply a spiritual one.

I guess when you're as old as McCain is, you can get away with stuff other folks can't.

[kinggovernor]

Obama quits church after long controversy
Candidate seeks to distance himself from Wright

updated 1:05 a.m. ET, Sun., June. 1, 2008
ABERDEEN, S.D. - Barack Obama said Saturday he has resigned his 20-year membership in the Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago "with some sadness" in the aftermath of inflammatory remarks by his longtime pastor the Rev. Jeremiah Wright and more recent fiery remarks at the church by another minister.

"This is not a decision I come to lightly ... and it is one I make with some sadness," he said at a news conference after campaign officials released a letter of resignation sent to the church on Friday.

"I'm not denouncing the church and I'm not interested in people who want me to denounce the church," he said, adding that the new pastor at Trinity and "the church have been suffering from the attention my campaign has focused on them."

Obama said he and his wife have been discussing the issue since Wright's appearance at the National Press Club in Washington last month that reignited furor over remarks he had made in various sermons at the church.

"I suspect we'll find another church home for our family," Obama said.

"It's clear that now that I'm a candidate for president, every time something is said in the church by anyone associated with Trinity, inlcuding guest pastors, the remarks will imputed to me even if they totally conflict with my longheld views, statements and principles," he said.

Obama said he had "no idea" how the resignation would "impact my presidential campaign, but I know its the right thing to do for the church and our family."

‘A pretty personal decision’
"This was a pretty personal decision and I was not trying to make political theater out of it," he said.

For months, Obama has been hamstrung by the rhetoric of Wright, whose sermons blaming U.S. policies for the Sept. 11 attacks and calls of "God damn America" for its racism became fixtures on the Internet and cable news networks.

Initially, Obama said he disagreed with Wright but portrayed him as a family member he couldn't disown. The preacher had officiated at Obama's wedding, baptized his two daughters and been his spiritual mentor for some 20 years.

But six weeks after Obama's well-received speech on race, Wright claimed at the Press Club appearance that the U.S. government was capable of planting AIDS in the black community, praised Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan and suggested that Obama was acting like a politician by putting his pastor at arm's length while privately agreeing with him.

The next day, Obama denounced Wright's comments as "divisive and destructive."

Remarks by Wright inflamed racial tensions and posed an unwanted problem for Obama, front-runner for the Democratic presidential nomination, as he seeks to wrap up the party's nod.

More recently, racially charged remarks from the same pulpit by another pastor, the Rev. Michael Pfleger, kept the controversy alive and proved the latest thorn in Obama's side. As a guest speaker at Obama's church, Pfleger mocked Obama rival Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Although Obama condemned comments by both Wright and Pfleger, the controversy persisted.

Obama made it clear he wasn't happy with the comments — in which Pfleger pretended he was Clinton crying over "a black man stealing my show" — and said he was "deeply disappointed in Father Pfleger's divisive, backward-looking rhetoric, which doesn't reflect the country I see or the desire of people across America to come together in common cause."

Pfleger, too, issued an apology, saying he was sorry if his comments offended Clinton or anyone else.

Focus on DNC meeting
The timing of Obama's decision broke late on a Saturday and while most of the political attention was focused on the Democratic National Committee's struggle to seat delegates from Florida and Michigan.

Republican John McCain also has had his woes with religious leaders.

Earlier this month, McCain rejected endorsements from two influential but controversial televangelists, saying there is no place for their incendiary criticisms of other faiths.

McCain spurned the months-old endorsement of Texas preacher John Hagee after an audio recording surfaced in which the preacher said God sent Adolf Hitler to help Jews reach the promised land. McCain called the comment "crazy and unacceptable."

He later repudiated the support of Rod Parsley, an Ohio preacher who has sharply criticized Islam and called the religion inherently violent.

This isn't a personal decision, it is a political one. There is no possible way he could have gone to the church for so long and not realize the message they were preaching.

[TankRizzo]

Originally Posted by motivez

Only Obama, apparently. He's being held to a different standard, and part of me wonders whether or not that's because of race..

Look at how little attention McCain's pastor friend has gotten, and this is someone McCain sought a political alliance with.. not simply a spiritual one.

I guess when you're as old as McCain is, you can get away with stuff other folks can't.

Come on now. They're being held to different standards because the situations are COMPLETELY different. McCain was never a member of Parsley or Hagee's churches, let alone for 2 decades, nor did they ever hold a place in his campaign.

The thing is, Obama went to this church for 20 years, and now all of a sudden they're just now coming out with all of this stuff? He didn't renounce any of this until after it became an issue which tells me he would have been perfectly fine to continue sitting there and listening to sermons like these. He tried in vain to smooth over the Wright thing, then Wright came back and bit him in the ass. What he said the 2nd go around that was so different from the first time, I still don't know, but for whatever reason he felt it was time to disown the good reverend.

But anyhow, this mess is worse for Obama than McCain because of all of the time he was complacent to sit there and listen to it and to embrace the church, all while knowing what is/was said there could hurt him down the road, now he has to deal with it and all of the allusions people will make about his character and judgment.

[kombayn]

Originally Posted by motivez

Only Obama, apparently. He's being held to a different standard, and part of me wonders whether or not that's because of race..

Look at how little attention McCain's pastor friend has gotten, and this is someone McCain sought a political alliance with.. not simply a spiritual one.

I guess when you're as old as McCain is, you can get away with stuff other folks can't.

Of course it's because of race, he has the chance to become the first black President of the United States. As for his church, it's not going to hurt him, it'll be an after-thought come November. Especially since he resigned from the church.

[kinggovernor]

Originally Posted by Scrum

How is this going to be a huge problem for Obama in the General? Hillary won't even be in the race.

Are all candidates responsible for what every supporter says, or is it just Obama? It's not his pastor or his Church and he denounced what he said. How does this fall in his lap? I mean, if Wright didn't hurt him (and it didn't) how is this going to be a problem?

Clinton has been on a roll since Rev Wright and the bitter comment

[kinggovernor]

Originally Posted by motivez

Only Obama, apparently. He's being held to a different standard, and part of me wonders whether or not that's because of race..

That is the easy fall back for Obama and his supporters but the reason this matters is because of the politics behind this church.

Obama took money from this pastors and then returned the favor with earmarks, if that doesn't scream old politics I don't know what does.

[kinggovernor]

No Liberation
Barack Obama can run, but his ties to Trinity and its radical political and theology roots are deep.
By Stanley Kurtz
Posted: Monday, June 2, 2008


ARTICLE
National Review Online
Publication Date: June 2, 2008


Having now left Trinity United Church of Christ, can Barack Obama escape responsibility for his decades-long ties to Michael Pfleger and Jeremiah Wright? No, he cannot. Obama's connections to the radical-left politics espoused by Pfleger and Wright are broad and deep. The real reason Obama bound himself to Wright and Pfleger in the first place is that he largely approved of their political-theological outlooks.

Obama shared Wright's rejection of black "assimilation." Obama also shared Wright's suspicion of the traditional American ethos of individual self-improvement and the pursuit of "middle-classness." In common with Wright, Obama had deep misgivings about America's criminal justice system. And with the exception of their direct attacks on whites, Obama largely approved of his preacher-friends' fiery rhetoric. Obama's goal was not to repudiate religious radicalism but to channel its fervor into an effective and permanent activist organization. How do we know all this? We know it because Obama himself has told us.

A Revealing Profile
Although it's been discussed before (because it confirms that Obama attended Louis Farrakhan's Million Man March), a 1995 background piece on Obama from the Chicago Reader has received far too little attention. Careful consideration of this important profile makes it clear that Obama's long-standing ties to Chicago's most rabidly radical preachers call into question far more than Obama's judgment and character (although they certainly do that, as well). Obama's two decades at Trinity open a critically important window onto his radical-left political leanings. No mere change of church membership can erase that truth.

By providing us with an in-depth picture of Obama's political worldview on the eve of his elective career, Hank De Zutter's "What Makes Obama Run?" lives up to its title. The first thing to note here is that Obama presents his political hopes for the black community as a third way between two inadequate alternatives. First, Obama rejects "the unrealistic politics of integrationist assimilation -- which helps a few upwardly mobile blacks to ‘move up, get rich, and move out. . . . ' " This statement might surprise many Obama supporters, who seem to think of him as the epitome of integrationism. Yet Obama's repudiation of integrationist upward mobility is fully consistent with his career as a community organizer, his general sympathy for leftist critics of the American "system," and of course his membership at Trinity. Obama, we are told, "quickly learned that integration was a one-way street, with blacks expected to assimilate into a white world that never gave ground." Compare these statements by Obama with some of the remarks in Jeremiah Wright's Trumpet, and the resemblance is clear.

Having disposed of assimilation, Obama goes on to criticize "the politics of black rage and black nationalism" -- although less on substance than on tactics. Obama upbraids the politics of black power for lacking a practical strategy. Instead of diffusing black rage by diverting it to the traditional American path of assimilation and middle-class achievement, Obama wants to capture the intensity of black anger and use it to power an effective political organization. Obama says, "he's tired of seeing the moral fervor of black folks whipped up -- at the speaker's rostrum and from the pulpit -- and then allowed to dissipate because there's no agenda, no concrete program for change." The problem is not fiery rhetoric from the pulpit, but merely the wasted anger it so usefully stirs.

Obama's Network
De Zutter gives us a clear glimpse of Obama's radicalism. Obama is called "progressive," of course, and is said to yearn for "massive economic change." That could simply mean an end to widespread poverty, rather than social restructuring. Yet Obama is also described as holding "a worldview well beyond" his mother's "New Deal, Peace Corps, position-paper liberalism." De Zutter lays out Obama's ties to radical groups like Chicago Acorn, as Acorn's lead organizer, Madeleine Talbott, is quoted affirming that: "Barack has proven himself among our members . . . we accept and respect him as a kindred spirit, a fellow organizer." In "Inside Obama's Acorn," I explore Obama's links to this radical group, and to Talbott, who practices the sort of intimidating and often illegal "direct action" Acorn is famous for. (For more on Talbott's affinity for "direct action," see "Where Do We Begin?")

De Zutter also touches on some other key elements of Obama's network. Obama's early organizing work for the Developing Communities Project was "funded by south-side Catholic churches." Clearly, this early work cemented Obama's close ties to Father Pfleger, whose support formed a critical component of Obama's grassroots network. Precisely because of this early link, Pfleger threw his considerable support behind Obama's failed 2000 bid for Congress. By the way, Pfleger's political influence in Chicago is such that Mayor Richard Daley actually declared his 2002 candidacy for a fourth full term as mayor at Pfleger's St. Sabina church. In "Inside Obama's Acorn," I explore the possibility that Obama's seat on the boards of a couple liberal Chicago foundations may have allowed him to direct funds to groups that served as his de facto political base. De Zutter quotes Woods Fund executive director, Jean Rudd, praising Obama for "being among the most hard-nosed board members in wanting to see results. He wants to see our grants make change happen -- not just pay salaries." No doubt, Obama was sincerely supportive of the sort of leftist organizations favored by the Woods Fund. However, if Obama was in fact looking to some of the groups supported by the Woods Fund as a personal political base, his unusually active board service would make all the more sense.

Black Churches
The threads of this political network are pulled tighter as Obama turns to a "favorite topic," "the lack of collective action among black churches." Obama is sharply critical of churches that try to help their communities merely through "food pantries and community service programs." Today, Obama rationalizes his ties to Wright's Trinity Church by citing its community service programs. Yet in 1995, Obama was highly critical of churches that focused exclusively on such services, while neglecting the sort of politically visionary sermons, local king-making, and political alliance-building favored by Pfleger and Wright. Obama rejects the strictly community-service approach of apolitical churches as part of America's unfortunate "bias" toward "individual action." Obama believes that what he derogates as "John Wayne" thinking and the old, "right wing...individualistic bootstrap myth" needs to be replaced: "We must unite in collective action, build collective institutions and organizations."

Obama sees the black church as the key to his plan for collective social and political action: "Obama . . . spoke of the need to mobilize and organize the economic power and moral fervor of black churches. He also argued that as a state senator he might help bring this about faster than as a community organizer or civil rights lawyer." Says Obama, "We have some wonderful preachers in town -- preachers who continue to inspire me -- preachers who are magnificent at articulating a vision of the world as it should be." Obama continues, "But as soon as church lets out, the energy dissipates. We must find ways to channel all this energy into community building." Obama seems to be holding up people like Wright, Pfleger, and James Meeks (who he has listed as his key religious allies) as positive models for the wider black church -- in both their rhetoric, and in their willingness to play a direct political role. If anything, Obama would like to see the political visions of Wright and Pfleger given greater weight and substance by connecting them to secular leftist political networks like Acorn.

End Run
By the end of De Zutter's piece, Obama's distinctive vision comes clear. While in his years as a Chicago organizer and attorney Obama took care to maintain friendly ties to the Daley administration, in Obama's campaign for state senate, he specifically avoided asking the mayor or the mayor's closest allies for support. Obama's plan was to make an end-run around Chicago's governing Democratic political network, by building a coalition of left-leaning black churches and radical secular organizations like Acorn (perhaps with de facto help from liberal foundation money as well). This coalition would provide Obama with the flexibility to play out a political career some distance to the left of conventional Illinois democratic politics. And sure enough, Obama's extremely liberal record in Illinois vindicated his strategy.

The De Zutter story sheds considerable light on the debate over the significance of Obama's ties to Pfleger and Wright. For the most part, that debate plays out with a relatively apolitical notion of church membership in mind. Obama's defenders say that he should not be held responsible for the occasional political excesses of his preacher. Critics point out that the extremism of Wright and Pfleger is long-standing and well known. At some point, this line of thinking goes, the radicalism of such preachers ought to become intolerable. And what does it say about Obama's judgement that he actually built his own national reputation by pointing to his appreciation of Wright's sermons? Obama's critics also see his decision to join Wright's church as an opportunistic move by a politically ambitious secular humanist in search of a respectable religious home.

I agree with all of these criticisms of Obama. Yet De Zutter's article shows us that the full story of Obama's ties to Pfleger and Wright is both more disturbing and more politically relevant than we've realized up to now. On Obama's own account, the rhetoric and vision of Chicago's most politically radical black churches are exactly what he wants to see more of. True, when discussing Louis Farrakhan with De Zutter, Obama makes a point of repudiating anti-white, anti-Semitic, and anti-Asian sermons. Yet having laid down that proviso, Obama seems to relish the radicalism of preachers like Pfleger and Wright. In 1995, Obama didn't want Trinity's political show to stop. His plan was to spread it to other black churches, and harness its power to an alliance of leftist groups and sympathetic elected officials.

So Obama's political interest in Trinity went far beyond merely gaining a respectable public Christian identity. On his own account, Obama hoped to use the untapped power of the black church to supercharge hard-left politics in Chicago, creating a personal and institutional political base that would be free to part with conventional Democratic politics. By his own testimony, Obama would seem to have allied himself with Wright and Pfleger, not in spite of, but precisely because of their radical left-wing politics. It follows that Obama's ties to Trinity reflect on far more than his judgment and character (although they certainly implicate that). Contrary to common wisdom, then, Obama's religious history has everything to do with his political values and policy positions, since it confirms his affinity for leftist radicalism.

Sense of Mission
It could be argued that the new and supposedly moderate, "bipartisan" Obama of 2008 is the real Obama. Unfortunately, that argument is unconvincing. Again and again, De Zutter reports that Obama's true passion, deepest calling, and most authentic sense of mission is to be found in his early community organizing work. Obama's own vision for himself as a legislator is as a kind of super-organizer/activist, extending the "progressive" quest for "social justice" to society as a whole.

I see no reason to doubt Obama's self-account, and many reasons to accept it. As De Zutter notes, Obama gave up a near-certain Supreme Court clerkship to come to Chicago and do community organizing. It's also easy to imagine Obama joining one of the many other less radical black churches on the south side of Chicago, if that was all he needed to launch a political career. Clearly, given his good relations with the Daley administration, Obama could have asked for its support in his bid for the Illinois State Senate. Yet at every turn, Obama took a riskier path. That suggests he was operating from conviction. Trouble is, the conviction in question was apparently Obama's belief in the sort of radical social and economic views held by groups like Acorn and preachers like Wright and Pfleger.

Obama was certainly more rhetorically smooth, and no doubt less personally embittered than some of his mentors. Yet what stands out after a consideration of Obama's larger personal and political history is the general convergence of political orientation between Wright, Pfleger, Acorn, Chicago's "progressive" foundations, and Obama himself. Obama in Chicago was a man of the Left, doing his level-best to assemble a coalition free from the constraints of conventional, middle-ground Democratic politics.

Obama Speaks
If there is any doubt about the accuracy of De Zutter's detailed account, we get the same message from this too-little discussed but revealing and important piece by Obama himself. This chapter from a 1990 book called After Alinsky: Community Organizing in Illinois was originally published in 1988, just after Obama joined Trinity. The piece is called, "Why Organize? Problems and Promise in the Inner City," and it shows exactly what Obama hoped to make of his association with Pfleger and Wright.

Obama begins by rejecting the false dichotomy between radicalism and moderation:
The debate as to how black and other dispossessed people can forward their lot in America is not new. From W.E.B. DuBois to Booker T. Washington to Marcus Garvey to Malcolm X to Martin Luther King, this internal debate has raged between integration and nationalism, between accommodation and militancy, between sit-down strikes and boardroom negotiations. The lines between these strategies have never been simply drawn, and the most successful black leadership has recognized the need to bridge these seemingly divergent approaches.

Of course, even James Cone, the radical founder of black-liberation theology, sees himself as synthesizing the moderation of Martin Luther King Jr. with the radicalism of Malcolm X. Obama here seems to be calling for an inside/outside strategy like the one he would have learned working with Chicago Acorn. Note Obama's reference to the controversial tradition of "direct action" favored by Acorn (and earlier by Saul Alinsky, whose tradition of radicalism the book is meant to carry on). Obama offers radicalism with a moderate face.

Obama sketches out a vision in which a politically awakened black church would ally with "community organizers" (like Obama and his friends from Acorn), thereby radicalizing the politics of America's cities:

Nowhere is the promise of organizing more apparent than in the traditional black churches. Possessing tremendous financial resources, membership and -- most importantly -- values and biblical traditions that call for empowerment and liberation, the black church is clearly a slumbering giant in the political and economic landscape of cities like Chicago.

After expressing disappointment with apolitical black churches focused only on traditional community services, Obama goes on to point in a more activist direction:

Over the past few years, however, more and more young and forward-thinking pastors have begun to look at community organizations such as the Developing Communities Project in the far south side [where Obama himself worked, and first encountered Pfleger, SK]...as a powerful tool for living the social gospel, one which can educate and empower entire congregations and not just serve as a platform for a few prophetic leaders. Should a mere 50 prominent black churches, out of thousands that exist in cities like Chicago, decide to collaborate with a trained and organized staff, enormous positive changes could be wrought....

Give me 50 Pflegers or 50 Wrights, Obama is saying, tie them to a network of grassroots activists like my companions from Acorn, and we can revolutionize urban politics.

Mystery Solved
So it would appear that Obama's own writings solve the mystery of why he stayed at Trinity for 20 years. Obama's long-held and decidedly audacious hope has been to spread Wright's radical spirit by linking it to a viable, left-leaning political program, with Obama himself at the center. The revolutionizing power of a politically awakened black church is not some side issue, or merely a personal matter, but has been the signature theme of Obama